University of Louisville Law Faculty Blog
When I think of the ability to inspire, my thoughts focus on Louisville's great basketball coach, Rick Pitino. I have heard it said that Pitino can beat you with his players, then trade players with you, and beat you with your own players. Of course, part of what makes a coach like Pitino great is his ability to teach technique and his ability to strategize. Although Pitino is a great strategist (as was Louisville's prior coach, Denny Crum), equally important to Pitino's success is his ability to inspire his players. More than once when a Pitino coached team was trailing in a game, he inspired his team to victory (e.g., note Louisville's win over then # 6 Georgetown last week, and (going father back) Kentucky's astounding 31 point comeback a few years ago).
Some deans also have the gift of inspiration. Oh sure, some deans are simply place-holders who accomplish nothing, aspire to nothing, and do not inspire their colleagues. They simply want to be called "dean." Even worse, some deans have a negative impact on morale and tend to demoralize their colleagues (who, by the way, they would not regard as "colleagues"). These deans have a negative impact on their colleagues, as well as their institutions. When they leave, the faculty fully understands how the French felt when the allies liberated Paris from the Nazis. A chosen few deans are Pitinoesque in their ability to inspire their colleagues (and these deans really do regard their faculty as "colleagues"), and encourage their faculty and their schools to greater heights. In a subsequent entry I will talk about what it takes to "inspire."
"The Faculty of Writing is attainable, by Art, Practice, and Habit only. The sooner, therefore the Practice begins, the more likely it will be to succeed. Have no Mercy upon an affected Phrase, any more than an affected, Air, Gate, Dress, or Manners."
excerpt from letter from John Adams to Abigail Adams, July 7, 1776
My Dearest Friend: Letters of Abigail and John Adams (Margaret A. Hogan & C. James Taylor eds., 2007)
Walking the Tightrope of Bipolar Disorder: The Secret Life of a Law Professor; Severe Mental Illness in the AcademyPosted February 5th, 2008 by James T.R. Jones
Increasingly, it is becoming clear that Louisville’s ambitious two-bridge plan cannot be funded without tolls. Alarmingly (especially to those who are not in love with the plan), some have proposed converting existing free bridges into toll bridges to help pay for the increasingly expensive plan. Even backers of the plan offered in opposition to the bridges, the so-called “8664 plan,” have not ruled out tolls.
Now while toll-roads may not be a big deal in the Northeastern corridor, the mention of tolls in Kentucky rubs a sore spot in the state’s history. Widespread, secretly organized political violence has arisen only four times in Kentucky. First, it occurred in the 1850s when nativist anger at immigrants set Louisville afire in the 1855 riots. Later, in post-Civil war era, Kentucky saw a taste of the anti-black KKK repression of blacks that spread through the South. In the early 20th century Kentucky tobacco farmers donned hoods to burn the warehouses of the distant trusts whose pricing they saw as a danger to their way of life. However, a mere decade before, masks and firebrands were employed in another struggle: the fight against excessive tolls.
In the small-government era of the early 19th century, most Kentucky road construction was “outsourced” to private parties that built roads in order to then be able collect tolls. The legislature regularly gave private turnpike companies the right to sell stock in order to raise money construct local roads, which were later paid off by tolls. However, in most cases, citizens paid steep tolls for years after the day that the turnpike company recouped its outlays. By the end of the century, Kentuckians were fed up with toll roads. Companies often let the roads fall in disrepair, while the toll keepers continued to collect tolls. Locals sporadically took their out frustration over costly but defective roads violently, burning toll gates and harassing toll keepers.
Reacting to their constituents, the 1896 legislature (then controlled by the populist free-silver wing of the Democratic Party) passed a free turnpike law. The law mandated that county officials take over toll roads, but local officials refused to follow the law’s mandate and buy-out the turnpike companies. Their obstinacy set off a wave of violence known as the “Toll Gate War.” In dozens of central Bluegrass counties masked vigilantes on horseback used fire and dynamite to destroy toll gates, more than three hundred from some estimates. Often they were assisted by government officials, even judges, and in one case Governor William O. Bradley had to call out the state militia to stop the violence. However, the raiders ultimately made their point and counties took over the turnpike companies and abolished tolls.
While it is unlikely that Kentuckians will mount their SUVs and take the torch to toll gates on the Sherman Minton Bridge, the talk of paying money to ride bridges that have long been free may well waken a rebellious tendency in the state body public. Perhaps instead of a horse and a firebrand, the modern toll raiders will fire their up Linux server, awaken their zombie machines and launch a denial-of-service attack on the electronic toll system…
Illustration: Old Frankfort Avenue toll keepers house, now Ray Parella's Italian Cuisine
This week my class discussed different forums available for our use on a collaborative project (TWEN, Googledocs, wikis, and Facebook). We also discussed Questions Presented, a topic I will write more about in March after we complete our briefs.
In his article, Public Interest Research, Collaboration, and the Promise of Wikis, Tom Cobb describes how his team-taught class used a wiki to design materials intended to advance representation of people with the disability of "compulsive hoarding and cluttering" in landlord-tenant disputes. The Northwest Justice Project, a legal services office, provided the problem and relevant materials with which to start. After extensive and exhaustive research, the class was able to draft a desk book for legal professionals, educational materials for family members and landlords, a lobbyist's guide, and two articles. The class appears to have been a great way to combine legal writing and clinical education and to make use of an interesting technology.
Cobb has also taught an advanced legal writing class that functioned as a "research wing" for three clinics. In that class, the students prepared a litigation guide for post-conviction cases, drafted a comprehensive desk book analyzing the Washington Supreme Court's approach to statutory construction, and occasionally performed research related to the clinic's ongoing litigation.
The article contains other interesting information and ideas that professors, students, and practitioners interested in collaboration will doubtlessly enjoy reading.
This week my class continued to discuss writing a persuasive Argument section. One of the topics we discussed was the "primacy effect." The "primacy effect" is a cognitive psychology term for the principle that readers and listeners are likely to remember the information they read or hear first. Jansen Voss, Student Article, The Science of Persuasion: An Exploration of Advocacy and the Science Behind the Art of Persuasion in the Courtroom, 29 Law & Psychol. Rev. 301, 311 (2005).
Thus, when writing a brief, you are able to persuade merely by placing important information first. Placing important information first increases the likelihood that the reader (whether Judge or clerk) will read and remember the information. So, consider leading your Argument section with a summary of the conclusions you wish the Judge to reach. Placing the conclusion first aids the reader to remember it and also allows the hurried reader to immediately see the bottom-line. For the same reasons, it is a good idea to use conclusion sentences for your headings and sub-headings.
The primacy effect also indicates that leading the Argument with your strongest sub-section, leading your rule explanation with the most helpful authority for your client, and beginning your application with your strongest point can be effective persuasive techniques.
Yesterday the following article appeared on page A8 of the Louisville Courier-Journal newspaper as a Community Challenge piece:
Mental illness, stigma, and the person in the office next door
Recently, I wrote a review for this newspaper of Professor Elyn Saks' memoir
of life as a legal academic who secretly suffers from schizophrenia. My
review did not mention the parallels between my life and Professor Saks'. I
also have a successful career as a law professor. I graduated with highest
distinction from the University of Virginia, finished second in my class at
Duke Law School, clerked for a judge on the U. S. Court of Appeals,
practiced law at a Wall Street firm in New York City and a prominent firm in
Florida, taught for a year at the Top 10-ranked University of Chicago Law
School, and in 1986 joined the faculty of the University of Louisville's
Brandeis School of Law, where I am a professor of law. Over the years, I
have taught a generation of Kentucky attorneys. This happened while I hid
from almost everyone that I have the severe mental illness bipolar disorder
(formerly known as "manic-depressive illness") for which I have been
hospitalized five times and treated constantly for 28 years.
Why did I hide my condition for so long? Mainly, I kept quiet due to the
fear of stigma, which has followed mental illness throughout history. Sadly,
people today stigmatize more than they did 50 years ago. Most no longer use
the racial and ethnic slurs that once were common, but those with
psychiatric disorders still regularly are ridiculed. The Democratic Party
stigmatized when it forced Sen. Thomas Eagleton off its 1972 presidential
ticket after learning he had been hospitalized for depression over a decade
before. Clinton administration official Vincent Foster's concern over stigma
and the possible loss of his White House security clearance if he saw a
psychiatrist, which he did not do, may have led to his suicide. The Kentucky
Board of Bar Examiners stigmatizes when it ignores applicants' "physical"
illnesses but asks such intrusive questions about a counseling history that
law students refuse to seek help they desperately need to avoid having to
answer "yes" to those inquiries. Job applicants hide hospitalizations or
gaps in employment due to mental illness, because they fear disclosure will
keep them from being hired. Families of those with mental illness are so
embarrassed that they are afraid to acknowledge the condition of their loved
A history of mental illness is not a moral failing, and contrary to popular
belief, many like me have never had problems with alcohol or illegal drugs.
Although most with severe mental illness pose no threat to anyone,
stereotypes, often reinforced by selective media reporting of events like
the Virginia Tech shootings, unduly link violence with mental illness. A
1999 report of the U.S. surgeon general (along with numerous other sources)
emphasizes that the vast majority of those with mental illness are not
violent and that little of the violence in society is due to them.
If the fear of stigma is so great, why have I told my story? I write to show
that people can be effective members of society in high-level and often
stressful jobs despite their psychiatric conditions. I have thrived in the
intellectually challenging realm of legal academics, where I have matched
wits with both students and colleagues who had no idea about my disease.
Even when my disorder temporarily incapacitates me, I gradually regain my
faculties. I cope with many major, unpleasant and potentially dangerous drug
side effects, but still soldier on.
What do I want? I wish to be accepted for who I am, and not have to endure
stigma or doubt that I can perform now that I have gone public with my
condition. If my message to others with severe mental illness encourages
them to reach for everything in life, my "secret" will have been worth
Those who do not have mental diseases can help those who do by demanding
such things as parity for physical and psychiatric disorders in health and
disability insurance coverage and an end to stigma. According to NAMI (the
National Alliance on Mental Illness), mental disease affects one in five
Americans every year. Mental disorders are the leading cause of disability
for people of ages 15 through 44. Mental illness accounts for over 15
percent of the disease burden in the United States, more than the burden of
all cancers. Mental illness is an illness like any chronic physical disease,
and those with it can live happy and productive lives. Society needs to
recognize this, and change its view of those with mental health conditions.
My accomplishments are attributable to things like appropriate medications
prescribed by an excellent psychiatrist, regular psychotherapy, the support
of loved ones and my own hard work. Such a result is possible for many with
severe mental illness.
Society should willingly pay the medical expenses of those with psychiatric
conditions, as it is far cheaper to cover the cost of maintenance
medications for those who cannot afford them than for them to forego such
drugs and end up in expensive hospital beds. The poverty of many with mental
illness helps explain the syndrome that sees individuals bounce in and out
In light of all this, it is time that society embrace those with psychiatric
conditions. Of particular interest to me, the Kentucky Board of Bar
Examiners should join many other states and stop discriminating against
those with a history of mental health problems. Louisville already has a
highly successful alliance between NAMI and the Louisville Metropolitan
Police Department via the Crisis Intervention Team program, through which
over 500 LMPD officers have been trained to deal with those with psychiatric
disorders. Because of this program, most get medical treatment rather than
ending up in jail as they did in the past. The public should encourage
things like this, as it sees those with an illness receive proper medical
care rather than be warehoused in a correctional facility which is not
equipped to deal with them.
While not all people with mental disorders flourish as I have done, I show
what is possible. Given the one in five, how many other successful
individuals with mental illness are out there? Perhaps each of us should
look at those in the offices next to us, or our friends and neighbors, and
wonder which of these people secretly live with a severe mental condition.
May my journey through life continue to go well despite the occasional bump
in the road and encourage others to create a world free of stigma and
discrimination against those with severe mental illness.
JAMES T. R. JONES
Professor of law
Louis D. Brandeis School of Law
University of Louisville
I would be happy to respond to any questions.
A key date on the Kentucky political calendar is a mere week away; January 29, 2008 (at 4.00 p.m. EST) marks the last opportunity for candidates to file for the state primary. The Kentucky General Assembly usually doesn't "get real" until after this date when the lawmakers know whether or not they will face a serious challenge. Also, as Kentucky politicians are usually apt wait to file until the last minute, even at this late date much is up in the air. For example, the two declared opponents to Sen. Mitch McConnell--Andrew Horne and Greg Fischer--have not yet filed, nor have Rep. John Yarmuth's declared and rumored opponents, Chris Thieneman and Anne Northrup. There is some strategy here; declaring but not filing allows potential candidates the opportunity to perhaps work out a deal that leaves them unopposed.
On the judicial front, Jefferson County's Supreme Court Justice Lisabeth Hughes Abramson already has one challenger, James M. "Jim" Shake, while Lexington's Justice Mary C. Noble is as yet unopposed. Jefereson County has one district court seat up for election, the 30th Judicial District, 16th Division, and three candidates have filed, David P. Bowles, Katie King, and Matthew H. Welch.
The Kentucky Secretary of State's elections website makes it easy to follow the filing game. A direct link to the filing page can be found at http://www.kentuckyregistrar.net/. Be sure to log in next Tuesday afternoon and watch the first act in the 2008 election year unfold.
UPDATE: The Kentucky Law Review blog has the final judicial races for Jefferson County here.
Consider using an umbrella section when you are writing a brief that addresses multiple points. An umbrella section is a short section at the start of the Argument. It can provide a roadmap for the reader about the components of the rule that the writer will address or the points the writer will make. An umbrella section helps the reader understand the points to be addressed and the structure of the brief because readers more easily follow short sections separated by white space. Following the umbrella section with sections or sub-sections for each rule component or point can further enhance the reader's understanding. For instance, Mark Herrman's sixth point for new associates is "use many headings and subheadings to break up your memorandum or brief. Little pieces are easier to read." Revisiting the Basics: How to Write: A Memorandum from a Curmudgeon, 44-SEP Advocate (Idaho) 28 (2001) (Westlaw subscription required to link).
If you are interested in reading more about umbrella sections, a good source is Linda Edwards, Legal Writing: Process, Analysis and Organization, 287-90 (4th ed. 2006). She has samples on page 289 & 387. Other uses for umbrella sections include summarizing the argument, setting out the standard of review, or discussing components of the rule that the brief will not address.
Two Guides to the Kentucky General Assembly: With Apologies to Niccolò Machiavelli and ABC's Children's Programming DivisionPosted January 17th, 2008 by Kurt X. Metzmeier
In its 2008 Kentucky General Assembly Preview, the Courier-Journal has created a one-page visual guide to “How bills become law in Kentucky” <http://www.courier-journal.com/graphics/2008/legislature/bill.pdf > that evokes the 1970s School-House Rock classic, “I’m Just a Bill.” However laudable its effort to simplify, it omits some of the unique features and quirks of the Kentucky rules and thus conveys too much similarity to the rules of the national Congress. These rules give Kentucky politics color and allow old legislative hands to concoct byzantine legislative strategies that evoke reactions ranging curses of anger to sighs of admiration.
Here are a few areas where the arcane passes through profane on the way to profound:
CALENDAR. The 1891 Kentucky constitutional framers and succeeding amenders have worked hard to limit the damage done by roving bands of lawmakers by strictly limiting the time that the good townsfolk of Frankfort are subject to their reign of terror (typically embodied in cheap suits, bad cologne and even worse tipping). Even-year sessions (like this year’s) convene on the first Monday of January and meet for 60 legislative days and must complete their work by April 15. (Odd-year sessions have 30 legislative days and must be completed by March 30). A “legislative day” is a day that the legislative leadership has designated as a day of official business. Weekend days and holidays are typically not employed for this dirty work. The legislature creates a calendar that spreads the allotted legislative days out, usually reserving a few days at the end to deal with gubernatorial vetoes. The 2008 session calendar can be found on the General Assembly’s website.
MAJORITY RULES. A majority is not always a “majority” under the capitol dome. An ordinary bill passes by a simple majority of those voting (so long as that number exceeds 2/5ths of elected members). Ky. Const. § 46. The 2/5ths rule doesn’t come up much, but it is not irrelevant because the constitution sets a quorum as a majority of the numbers elected (a so-called absolute majority) Ky. Const. § 37. For example, the Senate elects 38 members, making the quorum 20. Suppose a bill appears to pass with a bare majority of 11-9 with the minimum constitution quorum of 20. The bill fails because it doesn’t reach the 2/5ths rule's margin, which is 16. (The constitutional minimum for the House is 41). Reaching a quorum isn’t usually a big deal but in the 19th century leaders were known to send men out to troll the bars for drunken lawmakers to make the quorum (and to bar the doors and windows to keep it).
MONEY BILLS. Since this is a budget year, it is important to note that the constitution provides different rules for money bills. A bill for “the appropriation of money or the creation of debt” (1) must originate in the House and (2) needs an absolute majority of all elected members Ky. Const. § 46. (Courts have ruled that provision does not apply to bills authorizing local entities to raise funds through fees or taxes because such funds generated do not enter the state treasury). Ordinarily, a budget is agreed to in the even-year session and runs two years, although in two recent sessions the legislature adjourned without passing a budget so following sessions had to clean up the mess. By a term of art it is “biennial budget” and typically each budget year is known as a “biennium.” Thus a typical statement might be “well, it the budget will pinch a bit in the first biennium, but as revenues increase in the second biennium ... [insert unrealistic expectation here].”
VETO/EFFECTIVE DATE OF LAWS. The governor has ten days (excepting Sundays) to consider each bill. He can sign it, veto it, or let it become law without his signature by doing nothing. The legislature can override a governor’s veto by absolute majority vote in both houses. However, since the number of days of a session is set by the constitution, the legislature must reserve at least one “veto day” in its calendar beyond this ten-day period or forfeit this right. (It usually sets two to be safe). Unlike the federal executive, the governor has a broad line-item veto power on the budget and can delete words, phrases and lines to trim fat or, occasionally, make mischief. Ky. Const. § 88. Laws are effective 90 days after the adjournment of the Kentucky General Assembly, unless the law is designated as emergency legislation (an act that needs an absolute majority of both houses). In that case, the law is effective upon the governor’s signature. Ky. Const. § 55.
GERMANENESS. One striking difference between federal and state legislation is that the Kentucky constitution specifically requires that all provisions of a bill “shall relate to [no] more than one subject, and that shall be expressed in the title.” Ky. Const. § 51. This means that the “omnibus legislation” common in the U.S. Congress is unknown. Kentucky appellate courts have been asked to determine the ontological question of whether the provisions of a law truly constitute one subject dozens of times but have only rarely struck down laws on these grounds. Thus the courts have upheld the blanket adoption of model laws on the same subject, Davidson v. American Freightways, Inc., 25 S.W.3d 94 (Ky. 2000) but they have decided that including a minumum wage provision for bartenders to an alcohol beverage contraol act goes too far, Lewis v. Captain's Quarters Inc, 655 S.W.2d 26 (Ky. Ct. App. 1983).
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. With the possibility of a constitutional amendment allowing casino gambling on the agenda, it’s worth noting that such a measure would require an affirmative vote of 2/3rds of all members in both houses to get on the ballot. Only four constitutional amendments can be offered to the voters at one time. The ratification by the voters must take place “at the next general election for members of the [Kentucky] House of Representatives." (This means even-year elections, so the gaming measure must be on the ballot this year or 2010 if Beshear wants to passed before the end of his first term). Amendments must relate to a single subject but can “modify as many articles and as many sections” as needed to “accomplish the objectives of the amendment.” Ky. Const. § 256. There is a strong legislative custom to limit such measures to only two per session, with each house originating one amendment. (Keep in mind that the limit is four on the ballot, not per session; two measures from both the even and odd years could add up to four constitutional amendments that voters have to read, digest and vote on—all usually in the morning (before coffee) or in the evening after a long day of work). A simple majority of Kentuckians passes the amendment; unlike some state charters, there is no rule that any number of counties must ratify the act.
FOLLOWING THE FUN. The two remaining major Kentucky newspapers (R.I.P. fair Kentucky Post) do a pretty good job of covering the “leg” (pronounced “ledge”). The Courier-Journal’s Legislature section on the web collects the excellent work of its Frankfort reporters (Stephenie Steitzer, Tom Loftus, and Joe Gerth) and its Politics in Kentucky blog adds additional content. Lexington Herald-Leader’s State Government page and its PolWatchers blog featuring Lex Herald scribes, Ryan Alessi, Jack Brammer and John Stamper regularly match, if not surpass, CJ coverage. (See also columnist Larry Dale Keeling's Kentucky Kurmudgeon) WHAS 11 Political Blog features the voice of Mark Hebert, one of the best political reporters in the state (latest scoop: Ann Northrup considering run against Cong. JohnYarmuth; best scoop: Governor Paul Patton's affair with state-regulated nursing home operator). Of course, no government-geek in Kentucky misses KET's Comment on Kentucky Friday night or Sunday at noon--unless they are TIVOing or plan to catch the Podcast on KET's website.
By the way, YouTube has a version of "I'm Just a Bill" here. Fair warning, it doesn't look like the copyright holder is the person posting it so it may be gone tomorrow.